Inscription in honour of Tyrrania Anicia Iuliana, wife of the praet. prefect Quintus Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius, from Rome
source date: 379/395 AD
edition published: 2020-05-08
availability: This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/)

Tyrraniae Aniciae Iulianae, clarissimae feminae, coniugi Quinti Clodi Hermogeniani Olybri viri clarissimi , consularis Campaniae, proconsulis Africae, praefecti urbis, praefecti praetorio Illyrici, praefecti praetorio Orientis, consulis ordinarii, Flavius Clodius Rufus, vir perfectissimus, patronae perpetuae.

Edition based on CIL.

“To Tyrrania Anicia Iuliana, of clarissimus rank, wife of Quintus Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius, of clarissimus rank, consularis of Campania, proconsul of Africa, urban prefect, praetorian prefect of Illyricum, praetorian prefect of the East, ordinary consul, Flavius Clodius Rufus, of perfectissimus rank, to his perpetual patroness.”

“À Tyrrania Anicia Iuliana, femme clarissime, épouse de Quintus Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius, clarissime consulaire de Campanie, proconsul d’Afrique, préfet urbain, préfet du prétoire d'Illyricum, préfet du prétoire d’Orient, consul ordinaire, Flavius Clodius Rufus, perfectissime, à sa patronne perpétuelle.”

“Alla chiarissima Tyrrania Anicia Iuliana, moglie di Quintus Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius, chiarissimo consolare della Campania, proconsole d’Africa, prefetto urbano, prefetto del pretorio d’Illirico, prefetto del pretorio d’Oriente, console ordinario, Flavius Clodius Rufus, perfettissimo, alla sua patrona perpetua.”

The marble base of the statue was found in the 16th Century close to S. Pietro in Vincoli in Rome, by the church of S. Maria in Portogallo, now demolished. From the 17th Century, the artefact was recorded in the collection of the Borghese family, before being bought between 1889 and 1898 by Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek of Copenhagen, where it is conserved today (Kragelund 2005, pp. 50-53, nr. 9). The inscription chiselled on the base replaces an older text (signs of the erasure are clearly visible on l. 4) and records a dedication by Flavius Clodius Rufus (otherwise unattested, cf. Davenport 2019, pp. 600-601) to his patroness Tyrannia Anicia Iuliana, clarissima femina. Although the inscription is dedicated to the lady, the greatest part of the inscription (ll. 3-10) is occupied by the cursus honorum of her husband, Quintus Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius.

Iuliana and Olybrius belonged to prestigious senatorial families: Olybrius was the son of the poetess Faltonia Betitia Proba and Clodius Celsinus Adelphius, the urban prefect of Rome in 351 AD (Chastagnol 1962, pp. 131-134, 178; PLRE I, Celsinus 6, pp. 192-193, Olybrius 3, pp. 640-642; Chausson 1998, pp. 181-182; Cameron 2011, pp. 327-337; Cameron 2012, pp. 137-138); Iuliana, from the powerful family of the Anicii, was possibly the daughter or granddaughter of Anicius Iulianus, consul in 321 AD (Cameron 2012, pp. 138-139, revising Chastagnol 1962, p. 179 and PLRE I, Bassus 11, pp. 152-154). Both Christians (Barnes, Westall 1991, pp. 53-54; McLynn 2016, pp. 247-248), Olybrius and Iuliana seem to have had three sons: their daughter, Anicia Faltonia Proba, married Sextus Petronius Probus (see PPRET 59).

The dedication to Iuliana is of considerable size. For this reason, it has been suggested that its original location must have been very close to where it was actually found. The area of S. Pietro in Vincoli was also the site of the official residence of the urban prefect of Rome (and Olybrius held this office). However, since the inscription is dedicated to Iuliana by her client, it begs the question of whether the domus of Olybrius and Iuliana was not situated in this area as well (Guidobaldi 1995; cf. Chastagnol 1962, p. 179; Niquet 2000, p. 224; Kragelund 2005, p. 51).

The inscription records the outstanding career of Q. Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius, that spanned over two decades, from the end of Constantius’ reign to the beginning of the Theodosian age. His first recorded appointment is the governorship of consular rank of Campania, that is also attested in another inscription dedicated to Olybrius, «most excellent patron» by the city of Formia (CIL 10, 06083 = LSA 2040 = EDR 151435); this position came before 360/361 AD (cf. Cecconi 1994, pp. 214-217), when Olybrius was promoted to the proconsulship of Africa. His tenure in the African province is confirmed by three laws in the Theodosian Code (CTh 02, 19, 04; CTh 02, 20, 01; CTh 08, 05, 07, addressed «Olybrio proc. Africae» and dated to August 361 AD by Seeck 1919, pp. 45, 74, 208) together with several inscriptions that would appear to indicate his period of service running from 360/361 till 362 AD (Chastagnol 1962, pp. 179-182; cf. Barnes 1985, pp. 273-274). After a few years, Olybrius was appointed to the prestigious office of urban prefect of Rome; he replaced Vettius Agorius Praetextatus (see PPRET 77) between September 20th (CTh 01, 06, 06, last constitution addressed to Praetextatus) and the end of October 368 AD (Coll. Avell. 08-10; cf. Pergami 1993, pp. 408-409; Schmidt-Hofner 2008, pp. 581-582). Ammianus gives a brief account of this prefecture, described as peaceful and mild; Olybrius himself is praised as prefect for his qualities (careful, humane, tolerant, he «fully and impartially distinguished justice from injustice») but was criticized for the love of luxury he displayed in his private life (Amm. 28, 04, 01-02; cf. Barnes 1998, p. 119; den Boeft et alii 2011, pp. 167-172). This conventional (and subtly polemical) portrait makes no reference to the prosecutions of many senatorial families that began during the prefecture of Olybrius and were led by the praefectus annonae Maximinus (for a discussion with bibliography, see Lizzi Testa 2004). Ammianus happens to recal that the same Olybrius entrusted his first judicial case to Maximinus, but no other indication on the role played by the prefect survives (possibly his brother Alypius too was implicated in the trials and banished: cf. Lizzi Testa 2004, pp. 253-262). From some imperial letters preserved in the so-called Collectio Avellana, we know that the prefecture of Olybrius was also troubled by the resurgence of clashes between the supporters of Pope Damasus and Ursinus (Coll. Avell. 08-10; Lizzi Testa 2004, pp. 157-174). No less than twenty-one constitutions addressed to Olybrius survive in the law codes (cf. Schmidt-Hofner 2008), one of the largest dossiers of any urban prefect. The material helps us to date the replacement of Olybrius until after mid-August 370 AD and before January 371 AD, when his successor, Publius Ampelius, was already in office (cf. CTh 11, 31, 05, with Seeck 1919, pp. 36, 107, 240 and CTh 15, 10, 01; on Ampelius, see Chastagnol 1962, pp. 185-188; PLRE I, Ampelius 3, pp. 58-59).

The first part of Olybrius’ cursus honorum followed the traditional path of the most eminent members of Roman aristocracy: after the praetorship and the quaestorship (not recalled in this inscription), they received an Italian governorship (the one of Campania was the most coveted), then a proconsulship (from the mid-4th Century only that of Africa was conceded, with few exceptions) or a vicariate and finally they could compete for the prize - the prefecture of Rome (see Clemente 1969, pp. 622-631; Chastagnol 1982, pp. 175-180). Often this service ended their career, but Olybrius, some years after his urban prefecture, was recalled. This “second part” of his career is the most interesting and problematic.

The inscription is a fundamental document in helping us understand how the praetorian prefectures in the period around the battle of Adrianople were organized. Olybrius is referred to as the praetorian prefect of Illyricum and the praetorian prefect of the East (ll. 8-9): following the order of his cursus honorum, the two prefectures ought to be dated between the end of his urban prefecture (370 AD) and the consulship that Olybrius shared with Ausonius in 379 AD (cf. CLRE, pp. 292-293), but we can refine the chronology of his appointments yet more. In the Gratiarum actio addressed to the emperor Gratian, Ausonius stresses that he should take precedence over Olybrius as consul, because he is senior to him as praetorian prefect (Auson., Grat. Act. 12, 55-57; cf. Matthews 1975, p. 98; Coşkun 2002a, pp. 72-74; Raimondi 2007, pp. 74-75). Since Ausonius had been prefect since 377 AD (see PPRET 69), Olybrius’ prefecture of Illyricum cannot pre-date this limit. Although the precedence of (the appointment to) the praetorian prefecture of the East over the consulship has been contested, the nomination of Olybrius cannot be later than 379 AD, because from January 380 AD the prefect of the East was Neoterius (cf. PLRE I, p. 623) and in the fasti of this office there is no room for a prefecture of Olybrius in the following years. His two prefectures must therefore run between 377 and 379 AD.

Notwithstanding the short time frame, the chronological relationship between Olybrius’ career and the two capital events of these years, the battle of Adrianople (August 9th 378 AD) and the accession of Theodosius I (January 19th 379 AD), is quite uncertain. No other evidence about Olybrius’ tenures survives and the information on the praetorian prefects of the period is both scattered and problematic. The Theodosian Code does not allow us to reconstruct with confidence the fasti of this office, while Ammianus, whose Res Gestae ends with the disaster of Adrianople, does not provide any clear indications on the matter after the death of Valentinian I (November 17th 375 AD). Given the lack of sources, the reconstruction that follows is subject to a high degree of speculation. We will first focus on the Eastern prefecture of Olybrius, and then try to provide a chronological framework for his previous office in Illyricum.

Olybrius’ prefecture of the East, which was his second praetorian prefecture, must follow the disaster of Adrianople. From 369 AD up until at least November 377 AD, the office was occupied by Domitius Modestus (PPRET 68), since a constitution of Valens given on November 2nd 377 AD (CI 11, 62, 05) is addressed to him. Perhaps Modestus was replaced in 378 AD by Aburgius (according to PLRE I, p. 5, Aburgius is possibly the unnamed prefect mentioned by Ammianus who stayed in Adrianople when Valens marched against the Goths: Amm. 31, 12, 10; cf. den Boeft et alii 2018, pp. 209-210). Even if the evidence concerning Aburgius’ prefecture is minimal, an appointment of Olybrius by Valens in 377/378 AD is highly unlikely. No western senators are listed among the highest ranking officials of Valens in these years (see Lenski 2002, pp. 56-67), nor is it credible that at such a critical moment the emperor would entrust the praetorian prefecture to a person who had no real experience of the problems in the East. The appointment of Olybrius to the praetorian prefecture of the East must therefore have taken place after the catastrophe of Adrianople (August 9th 378 AD), but not much later because, as stated above, the Theodosian Code shows that in January 380 AD, Neoterius was already held the position (see CTh 09, 27, 01, January 15th 380 AD; CTh 08, 02, 03, February 2nd; cf. PLRE I, p. 623). Among the praetorian prefects of the East, the figure of Olybrius is quite unusual. Indeed, no leading member of the Roman senatorial aristocracy had been raised to that position after Septimius Acyndinus (prefect from 338 to 340 AD, PLRE I, Acyndinus 2, p. 11; cf. Moser 2018, pp. 92-94), nor can Olybrius be compared to the ranks of experienced court officials and military commanders who followed Theodosius to the East (see Matthews 1975, pp. 95-98, 108-115; Vera 1979, pp. 390-393; Sivan 1996, pp. 208-210; Lizzi Testa 1997, pp. 135-148; Raimondi 2007); even the man who succeeded him, Neoterius, had been notarius under Valentinian I (Amm. 26, 05, 14; cf. Teitler 1985, p. 152, nr. 220). It would be of some interest to know if Olybrius was appointed immediately after Adrianople (that is, in the late Summer-Autumn 378 AD) or after the accession of Theodosius I (January 19th 379 AD). The order of his cursus honorum would suggest the former solution, because the prefecture came before his consulship of 379 AD (so PLRE I, Olybrius 3, pp. 640-642). However, some scholars prefer to link the beginning of his prefecture to the elevation of Theodosius, when Olybrius was already consul, explaining the imprecise order of the offices by a desire to end his career on the inscription with the consulship (Errington 1996, p. 452; cf. Matthews 1975, p. 98). The sources on the accession of Theodosius do not make any reference to the part played by Olybrius in this decision, even if we know that after Adrianople he was in Sirmium, headquarters of the emperor Gratian (see below). Possibly some indication comes from his previous office in Illyricum.

The inscription dedicated to Anicia Iuliana is the first uncontrovertible evidence of the existence of an autonomous prefecture of Illyricum. After the end of Constantius’ reign this area had been embedded in the large central prefecture including Italy and Africa (see PPRET 49). The revival of this prefecture came after the death of Valentinian I (in November 375 AD Petronius Probus was still prefect of Illyricum, with Italy and Africa: see PPRET 59) and has been related to the catastrophe of Adrianople and the resulting need to administer the Illyrian provinces threatened by the Goths more efficiently. But if this is the obvious background for the later history of the prefecture (see Porena 2020, pp. 143-166), there is some evidence, albeit slight, that the prefecture may have been created before August 378 AD. The chronology of the crisis does not go against this possibility: the Gothic migration into Thrace dates back to 376 AD and already in 377 AD the situation was so out of control that Valens was asking for reinforcements from Pannonia (Amm. 31, 07, 03; see Lenski 2002, pp. 320-367).

A reference to a praetorian prefecture of Illyricum occurs in a literary work of Ausonius, the colleague of Olybrius in the consulate. In the Epicedion in Patrem, an elegy dedicated to his father after his death, Ausonius senior (Iulius Ausonius 5, PLRE I, p. 139) is said to have “borrowed the title of prefect of the great Illyricum” (Auson., Epiced. 52). The explicit reference to a regional area should exclude that an honorary prefecture is intended here (cf. Stein 1933, pp. 338-339; Green 1991, p. 280; Coşkun 2002a, pp. 156-158). The chronology of the office is not stated, but it must be placed in the very first years of the reign of Gratian, who was the senior emperor in the West, when Ausonius and his relatives rose to the highest positions in the administration (see PPRET 69). The evidence from the Epicedion in Patrem is quite surprising to say the least: Iulius Ausonius was, in fact, an elderly doctor, over eighty years old, with no previous experience in the administration (Hopkins 1961, pp. 240-243; Sivan 1993, pp. 49-60). That in such a problematic period the administration of Illyricum could be separated from that of Italy and Africa and entrusted to him seems highly unlikely. Poems are a perilous source of information for administrative history, but in this instance the reference to the Illyrian prefecture of Iulius Ausionus is explicit and follows a list of the administrative achievements of his relatives that find confirmation in more reliable sources (see Green 1979, pp. 23-24). It is not easy to dismiss this evidence. Possibly the creation of this prefecture and the appointment of Ausonius senior predates the Gothic crisis. While the chronology of Iulius Ausonius’ prefecture is not stated, a comparison with the offices held by his relatives referred to in the Epicedion in Patrem seems to suggest that he died in late 377 AD (see Green 1978, p. 24; PLRE I, Ausonius 5, p. 139, suggests, as an alternative, late 378 AD: but Iulius Ausonius was certainly not in Illyricum in that year, as his successor Olybrius is attested there; see below). This leaves room for an appointment in 376 AD. In the same period, the son in law of Ausonius, Thalassius, probably also served in Illyricum as vicar of Macedonia (see PLRE I, Thalassius 3, pp. 887-888; cf. Coşkun 2002a, pp. 154-156; Coşkun 2002b, pp. 329-336). And the former husband of Ausonius' daughter, Latinus Euromius, had been active in the area too, presumably as governor of Dalmatia, after having served in the office of the praetorian prefecture (see Mazzarino 1942 = 1990, pp. 26 and 299-300, nt. 96; PLRE I, Euromius 2, p. 300).

Another possible candidate as praetorian prefect of Illyricum before Adrianople is a certain Aphthonios, the person to whom a recently discovered epigram in Gortyna (Crete) was dedicated (PPRET 76): here Aphthonios is referred to as an ὕπαρχος, possibly praetorian prefect (but vicar is also possible), and the awarder might well be the same governor of the province Fl. Fursidius Aristides, who in 372/375 AD made a dedication to the prefect of Illyricum (with Italy and Africa) Petronius Probus (PPRET 58). This chronology would suggest that the tenure of Aphthonios came after the first praetorian prefecture of Probus, that is after 375 AD (see Vallarino 2012, pp. 64-65; BE 2013, nr. 513; Tantillo 2020, p. 7, nr. 4; cf. PPRET 58; but the identification with a vicar of Macedonia or even perhaps a 5th Century praetorian prefect of eastern Illyricum cannot be ruled out: see PPRET 76).

If an autonomous praetorian prefecture of Illyricum already existed before Adrianople, then it would allow us to date the appointment of Olybrius to late 377, early 378 AD and this in turn would allow us to draw up a more consistent sequence of its offices. And this is the real issue we have to face with a later chronology: if the prefecture of Illyricum had been instituted only after Adrianople, then we should assume that (eight years after his service in Rome) Olybrius was called in to govern this area in mid-August 378 AD and, immediately after his arrival in Sirmium, designated consul. No later than January 379 AD he would have then moved to the praetorian prefecture of the East, only to be dismissed within a few months. A previous appointment would better explain the sequence (cf. Mazzarino 1942 = 1990, pp. 297-298, nt. 80). It seems more likely, therefore, that Olybrius already held the position at the time of Adrianople and that, after the battle, Gratian saw him as the right candidate to assume the vacant prefecture of the East. We know that the young Emperor reached Sirmium towards the end of August-September 378 AD and that there he designated Ausonius and Olybrius as consuls for the following year (for the chronology of their designation, see Raimondi 2007, pp. 73-75). Only Olybrius was there (Auson., Grat. Act. 12) and the most convincing reason for his presence is that he was already praetorian prefect of Illyricum and had Sirmium as his seat.

With these praetorian prefectures and the consulship in 379 AD, the career of Olybrius came to an end. We know that he was still alive in 384 AD, but he did not live to see the joint consulate of his nephews in 395 AD (cf. Symm., Rel. 28, with Vera 1981, pp. 202-220, and Claud., Pan. Olyb. Probin. 30). This is also the terminus ante quem for the dedication of Fl. Clodius Rufus to Olybrius' wife Iuliana.

CIL 06, 01714 (cf. CIL 06, 31909 and p. 4741) ILS 1271 Jacobsen 1907, p. 291, nr. 826 (Bildtavler Tab. LXXI photo) Almar 1990, p. 302, nr. 197 (with photo) Østergaard Stubbe 1996, p. 300, nr. 206 (with photo) Chastagnol 1982, p. 179, nr. 13 Gionta 2005, p. 78, nr. 40 Kragelund 2005, pp. 50-51, nr. 9 (photo only) = AE 2005, 0009

EDCS 18100519 EDR 126922 LSA 1270 TM 281528

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wife

v(iri) c(larissimi)

praef(ecti) praet(orio) Illyrici, praef(ecti) praet(orio) Orientis