Provenance and location

Ancient city: Sidyma
Modern city: Dudurga Asari (Turkey)
Province: Lycia
Diocese: Asiana
Regional prefecture: Oriens
Provenance: The inscription, chiselled on two large quadrangular marble blocks or altars, was found in Sidyma near the access to an aedicula in a garden not far from “the Street of tombs”.
Current location: findspot
Ancient location: Private space

Type and material of the support and text layout

Text category

Funerary inscription for the praetorian prefect Flavius Eutolmius Tatianus

Greek text

Critical edition

This edition follows the text edited by Merkelbach, Stauber 2002 (SGO 04), nr. 17/08/03, with emendations by Feissel 2011-2012, p. 80. 1: [- - -]ανὸς CIG; [Τατι]ανός Kaibel; δικανικὴ[ν τοῖς] CIG; Kaibel; Benndorf-Niemann; Cougny; ILS; TAM; Delmaire; Livrea; Olszaniec
2: [τρισὶν] Feissel 2011-2012
3: ἀνθυπάτω Grégoire
4: τε ἐπάρχοις Kaibel; Cougny; Livrea
5: ε[ἶτ]: Benndorf-Niemann; Kaibel; Cougny; ILS; TAM; Grégoire; Delmaire; Livrea; Olszaniec; λάχεν [ἦδ]: CIG
7/8: [καὶ ἔπ]|αρχος ἐῴας CIG; ἡδ’ [ἔπ]|αρχος ἐῴας Kaibel; Cougny; Grégoire; Livrea; ἡδ’ὅ [ἔπ]|αρχος ἐῴας Delmaire; Olszaniec; ἡδ’ ὅ[πλ]|αρχος ἑώας TAM; ILS; Mekelbach; ἡδ’ὁ | αρχος ἑώας Benndorf-Niemann; ὅ[λης] | ἄρχος ἑῴας Feissel 2011-2012
10: φαν[είς] CIG; Cougny; Livrea; φανί[ς] Kaibel
11: ταῦτα δέ τε π[ρ]άττων CIG
13: ἀειδίων ὑπάτων [λάχος] CIG; ἀείδιον ὑπάτων [λάχος] Kaibel; Benndorf-Niemann; Cougny; ILS; TAM; Grégoire; Delmaire; Livrea; Olszaniec; [στέφανον] Merkelbach
15/16: [- - - τὴ]ν ἀφ’ ἑαυτοῦ γν[ώμεν] | ΛΟΥϚΠΟΥΛΗΠΝΟ CIG; [ὡς παλι]ν ἀψ’ ἑαυτοῦ γν[ωσθῇ μεγ]|άλου σπουδή τινο[ς ἄθλου] Benndorf-Niemann; Grégoire; Delmaire; Olszaniec; [ὡς αὐτὸ]ν ἀφ’ ἑαυτοῦ γν[ωστὸν με|γ]ά̣λου σπουδῇ τινο[ς] TAM; Kaibel, Cougny, Livrea omit both the lines
17: [- - -] οἱ βασιλεῖς τοῖς ἔ[ργοισιν] CIG; [οἱ θ]εῖοι βασιλεῖς τοῖς ἔ[ργοισιν] Kaibel; Cougny; TAM; οἱ θεῖοι βασιλεῖς τοῖς ἔρ[γοισιν] Benndorf-Niemann; Grégoire; Delmaire; Livrea; Olszaniec
19: ὑπατίας τ[ίμησαν] CIG; ὑπατίας τί[μησαν] Cougny; ὑπατίας τε[ίμησαν] Kaibel; Livrea; ὑπατία στέ[ψαντο] Benndorf-Niemann; TAM; Grégoire; Delmaire; Olszaniec
20: ἀφθάρτω[ς] CIG; Kaibel; Cougny; Livrea
21/22: αὐ[τ]ῷ CIG; Kaibel; Livrea; τ[ερπω]|λὴν CIG; τι[μ]|ὴν Kaibel; Livrea; τιμὴν Cougny
23: τ[οὺς τότε] CIG; Kaibel; Cougny; Livrea
25/26: [δη]|νυσεν CIG; [ἐξή]|νυσεν Kaibel; Cougny; Livrea; [ἐξ]|ήνυσεν Benndorf-Niemann; TAM; Grégoire; Delmaire; Olszaniec

Translations

English

“Tatianus, after his legal activity, was assistant to three dignitaries: to a governor, a vicar, a proconsul and two prefects; he obtained power over the population of Thebes, then over all Egypt, he shone as consularis of Syria and was responsible for the whole of the East, (before becoming) count of the imperial treasures, and finally great prefect: and while still in administration in the thirty-third year, for all these reasons, he received the crown of consuls that bestows eternity. [...] At the behest of those who reached so high ? The emperors of divine lineage, pleased by his actions, in return crowned him with the consulate that gave him immortality, so that they united in him the glory with a great honour before all men, immediately and forever, because he endured innumerable labours during his duties.”

French

“Tatianus, après son oeuvre d’avocat, fut assistant de trois fonctionnaires: d’un gouverneur, d’un vicaire, d’un proconsul et de deux préfets; il obtint le pouvoir sur les Thébains, puis sur toute l’Egypte, puis brilla consulaire de Syrie, et responsable pour l’Orient entier, puis comte des trésors impériaux, et enfin grand préfet : et alors qu’il était encore en administration la trente-troisième année pour toutes ces raisons reçut la couronne de consuls qui donne l’éternité. [...] Par la volonté de qui est-il arrivé si haut ? Les empereurs de la lignée divine, satisfaits de ses actions, le couronnèrent en retour du consulat qui lui donna l’immortalité, afin qu’ils unissent en lui la gloire avec un grand honneur devant tous les hommes, immédiatement et pour toujours, car il a enduré d’innombrables fatigues pendant ses fonctions.”

Italian

“Tatianus, dopo l’attività forense, fu assistente di tre dignitari: di un governatore, di un vicario, di un proconsole e di due prefetti; ottenne il potere sui Tebani, poi su tutto l’Egitto, quindi rifulse consolare di Siria, e responsabile di tutto l’Oriente, indi conte dei tesori imperiali, infine grandioso prefetto: e mentre ancora militava nell’amministrazione nel trentatreesimo anno per tutti questi motivi ricevette la corona dei consoli che dona l’eternità. [...] Per volere di chi giunse così in alto ? Gli imperatori di stirpe divina, compiaciuti dal suo agire, in contraccambio lo coronarono con il consolato che dona l’immortalità, così che congiunsero in lui la gloria con un onore grande davanti a tutti gli uomini, nell’immediato e per sempre, perché egli sopportò innumerevoli fatiche durante i suoi incarichi.”

The inscription and its prefects: critical commentary, updating, overviews

The monument and its date

The inscription was chiselled on two large quadrangular blocks and was set up in honour of the praetorian prefect Flavius Eutolmius Tatianus (synthesis in PLRE I, pp. 876-878, see below) in the ancient city of Sidyma (Lycia), today known as Dudurga Asari or Yukari Dodurga (Turkey). Unfortunately, the exact dimensions of the two stone blocks are unknown. Sidyma was in all probability the home of Tatianus. There is no doubt that the praetorian prefect was a native of Lycia, as attested by various contemporary sources (Lib., Or. 56, 16; Athan., Ep. Fest. index 39, p. 271 Martin-Albert [year 367 AD]; Lib., Or. 56, 16; CTh 09, 38, 09; Eun. fr. 59 Müller = 57 Blockley; Zos. 04, 45, 01) and by three inscriptions (PPRET 89, 90, 91). However, some sources on his eponymous nephew (see PPRET 91) have him residing in Sidyma in the first half of the 5^th Century (Theoph., Chron., A.M. 5943, p. 104 De Boor; Cedr., I, p. 603 Bekker; Nic. Call., HE 15, 01, PG 147; Zon. 13, 24, III, p. 245 Dindorf). It seems likely that at least one branch of the family came from this town and had properties in its territory.

The characteristics of the double support on the front of a building, unfortunately gone, must be compared with the characteristics of the inscription. Tatianus’ inscription from Sidyma shows four peculiarities:

1) it is engraved on two distinct blocks and not on a single base as one would expect for a traditional and standard honorary inscription bearing the cursus honorum of the praised senator.

2) the name of the prefect and consul Tatianus is perfectly intact in the nominative case; between 392 and 393 AD Tatianus was tried and sentenced to exile by Theodosius I, but at Sidyma his name was not erased, unlike elsewhere (it is erased in: PPRET 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88; the only exception is the memory of hydraulic works in Canopus in Egypt, PPRET 90; about the trial, see the critical commentary in PPRET 91).

3) The name (or names) of the dedicator was never inserted, since such an indication was clearly never intended: the first block is intact at the top and bottom edge; the second block is intact at the bottom edge, but not at the top one: in any case, it is impossible for the name of the dedicator to appear at the beginning of the second block.

4) the second half of the inscription, ll. 13-26, celebrates the ordinary consulship of 391 AD granted by the Augusti (see CLRE, pp. 316-317).

Scholars consider the Sidyma inscription to be an honorary dedication, and yet the site of the find, together with the traces on the facade of the building in which the two blocks were inserted, suggests a funerary monument.

The space between the two blocks on which the inscription was chiselled marked the access to an aedicula in the middle of a valley, in a garden not far from the “the street of the Tombs” (Benndorf-Neuman 1884, p. 81: «Die Inschrift steht auf zwei grossen viereckigen Altären, die sich ziemlich in der Mitte der Thalebene in einem Garten unweit der Gräberstrasse befinden. Der eine steht allem Anscheine nach noch in situ und scheint mit dem andern eninige Schritte von ihm liegenden den Zugang eines kleinen Gebäudes oder Bezirkes flankirt zu haben». Kalinka in TAM 02, 186-187: «Media in convalle prope sepulcra in horto duae magnae arae quadratae marmoreae quae duos fere passus inter se distant instar postium portae»; Grégoire 1922, p. 100: «Sur deux grands autels quadrangulaires, qui se trouvent à peu près au milieu de la plaine dans un jardin non loin de la “voie des tombeaux”. Ils bordaient sans doute l’accès d’un édicule»). It seems possible that the two blocks inscribed in honour of Tatianus that flank the aedicula near the “Street of the tombs” are the remains of the tomb or cenotaph of the praetorian prefect and consul. It is unlikely that the two blocks are fragments of funerary altars, or supports for a large sarcophagus, which was a common form of burial in Sidyma (Dardaine, Longepierre 1985; Schweyer 2002, pp. 11-34; for Asia Minor cf. Cormack 2004, pp. 18-22, 29-61, examples from Sidyma pp. 302-306). The distribution of the letters of the inscription along more than 26 narrow lines (no more than 25 letters per line, but the average is lower, cf. facsimile by Benndorf, Niemann 1884, p. 81) shows a vertical pattern, which is suggestive of the left and right pillars of the entrance door of a sepulchral building (on this type of tomb, cf. Dardaine, Longepierre 1985, p. 228; cf. Grabkammer in Benndorf-Niemann 1884, p. 79) or the entrance of a peribolos, surrounding a tomb or cenotaph. The “Street of the tombs” may originally have been outside the urban perimeter, before being swallowed up when the city expanded. At Sidyma the boundaries between the residential area and the necropolis are not clearly discernible to archaeologists. In the cities of Lycia and all of Asia Minor (western Anatolia), the situation was further complicated by the introduction of hybrid intra-urban burials, a custom that was popular throughout Hellenistic times and the Roman imperial age, particularly with civic aristocrats, benefactors, eminent citizens and their family members (cf. Berns 2013 with bibliography). On the topography of Sidyma, cf. Dardaine, Frézouls 1985; Hellenkemper, Hild 2004, II, pp. 845-847.

Furthermore, in Greek epigraphy the name of the owner or recipient of the inscription in the nominative case is more common for sepulchral inscriptions than for honorary ones (cf. Guarducci 1987, pp. 155-156, 386-389; McLean 2002, pp. 236-244, 260-268; on the nominative case in honorary inscriptions, cf. Mednikarova 2003; Ma 2013, pp. 17-21). The silence of the authorities responsible for the monument would perhaps be justified had it been erected in a public space or building, in which case Tatianus’ name would almost certainly have been erased after his condemnation between 392 and 393 AD (below). The exaltation of the ordinary consulship would suggest that our dedication was made in the year 391 AD, a point upon which many scholars agree. Such a chronology would also fit with the conspiracy of Flavius Rufinus (PLRE I, pp. 778-781) who plotted the downfall of Tatianus and his son in the spring of 392 AD. However, if such an ostentatious double monument had been erected in 391 AD, it is hard to imagine how it could have remained so intact in 392 AD. One could cautiously conjecture that after 392/393 AD, the local civic authorities would not have had the courage to destroy it since the monument was protected by a powerful family. But there is another possibility. In 396 AD, after the assassination of Flavius Rufinus, the memory of Tatianus was at least partly rehabilitated. In that year the emperor Arcadius sent a constitution to Caesarius, the praetorian prefect of the East, in which he rehabilitated the reputation of the Lycians, which had been tainted by the disgrace of Tatianus (CTh 09, 38, 09, on August 31^st 396 AD): “Emperors Arcadius and Honorius Augustuses to Caesarius, Praetorian Prefect. We decree that the former reputation and merit of the Province of Lycia, most devoted to Us, shall be restored among the other provinces and that Your Excellent Eminence shall make that fact known to all persons by posting edicts, in order that no person hereafter shall dare to injure a citizen of Lycia by an abusive name of insult. They shall hold the honours which they have received by their merits and labours and those which they shall obtain from Our Serenity. They shall have their former dignities, and they shall hope for others to come because of their devotion. For the temporary anger of a most disgraceful and hostile judge (= Fl. Rufinus, killed on November 27^th 395 AD) against one man of Illustrious rank, Tatianus, should not be of such weight that the disgrace should still remain for the Lycians, when in the case of the man himself the disgrace has already been extinguished by the absolution of time” (Pharr 1952, p. 254). It is also possible that the inscribed monument in Sidyma is in fact a reconstruction, carried out post 396 AD, after the first (391 AD) had been destroyed (392 AD). The consulate of Tatianus in 391 AD was and remained a legitimate consulate since it had not been awarded by a usurper. The glory of the eponymy must have remained at the height of the Lycian senator’s career and memory.

Another solution to this problem is to simply consider the monument part of a funerary inscription. This would explain why the name of Tatianus is in the nominative case and why there is no mention of a dedicator. The blocks close to the aedicula could be the individual tomb (or cenotaph) of the senator, that would have stood inside the families private property, near the “Street of the tombs”. The presumed location of the monument on the edge of the city supports the hypothesis that the blocks decorated the entrance to the senator’s sepulchrum. The two stone blocks could have supported two statues of the dignitary, one as praetorian prefect and one as ordinary consul, but it seems more probable that they could be a pair of pilars surmounted by an architrave, common in Lycian necropolis (for example an architrave with a horizontal inscription like the σωματοθήκη or τὸ μνημεῖον Εὐτολμίου Τατιανοῦ τοῦ λαμπροτάτου, or τοῦτο τὸ μνῆμα κατεσκεύασεν Εὐτόλμιος Τατιανὸς ὁ λαμπρότατος). The blocks would thus have been walled into the facade of the tomb on either side of the entrance door. If the inscription was indeed chiselled on a tomb – or possibly on a cenotaph – Tatianus’ name may well have escaped erasure by virtue of the fact that the monument was part a private inconspicuous building, under the protection of the senator’s relatives in his homeland. We do not know when Tatianus died (concerning his death cf. Asterius, Hom. 04, 09, 01, p. 43 Datema [= PG 40, 224C-225A]). The constitution of Arcadius of August 396 (CTh 09, 38, 09, above) does not explicitly state that the senator was already dead. We can usually find in the imperial constitutions some periphrases that indicate the death of the dignitary at the time the imperial text was written (cf. CTh 10, 20, 18; CTh 11, 01, 01; CTh 13, 05, 14; CTh 16, 05, 55). Our constitution does not use this type of formula. The terminus post quem for the preparation of the inscription of Sidyma is the year of Tatianus’ consulate (391 AD). If the inscription is the epitaph of Tatianus, it might have been engraved after 396 AD, when the senator still seems to have been alive (CTh 09, 38, 09, above). In this case, the failure to erase Tatianus’ name after 396 AD is perfectly understandable, particularly on a sepulchral (private) building on the outskirts of the city.

The insistence on the ordinary consulate for more than half a composition might have been an attempt to cover up the condemnation of the memory of Tatianus whose deeds were annulled by Theodosius I (CTh 09, 42, 12; CTh 09, 42, 13; CTh 11, 01, 23; CTh 12, 01, 131). The association of Tatianus’ name with the year 391 AD would remain as evidence of his glorious career. Despite being condemned, the senator would eventually be rehabilitated about 55 years later and his achievements commemorated in a public space in Aphrodisias (PPRET 91).

The eulogy for the praetorian prefect Tatianus is not unique. For a bilingual epitaph in Greek and Latin hexameters of the praetorian prefect Maiorinus from Buşr al-Hariri (Syria), see PPRET 26. For a metric epitaph of the praetorian prefect Petronius Probus with his career from Rome, see PPRET 64; for an inscribed sepulchral altar in honour of the praetorian prefect Vettius Agorius Praetextatus with his career from Rome, see PPRET 77. Praise for a prefect’s hard work as an administrator can be found in the inscriptions honouring Philippus (PPRET 28 and 31), Eugenius (PPRET 48), and both Nicomachus Flavianus senior and junior (PPRET 93).

Commentary on the text

Regarding the Greek text of the Sidyma inscription, some specific remarks can be made. In lines 2-4 we accept the proposal of Feissel (2011-2012, p. 80) to integrate the numeral τρισίν (l. 2) in reference to the ἀρχαί, because it underlines the difference in rank with the numeral two (δυσίν l. 4) referring to the two prefectures which are higher in level. There is no contradiction in this climax: Tatianus has cooperated with three governors (praeses, vicarius, proconsul), then with two praefecti (maybe Constantinopolis and Orientis). In lines 7-8, we accept Feissel’s proposal (2011-2012, p. 80) to integrate ὅ[λης] ἄρχος ἑῴας which is consistent with the development of Tatianus’ assignments in the East (below). For the translation into Greek of comes sacrarum largitionum (l. 9), see Delmaire 1989b, pp. 18-21. In line 10 the formula ἔπαρχος μέγας for praefectus praetorio is first attested here (cf. ACO 02/01, 02, p. 23, year 451 AD; later Pouilloux, Roesch, Marcillet-Jaubert 1987, nr. 238); it is rare and the adjective μεγα- will be widespread in the title ὁ μεγαλοπρεπέστατος (καὶ ἐνδοξότατος ἔπαρχος τῶν ἱερῶν πραιτωρίων); in this inscription it is linked to the τιμήν μεγάλην in lines 21-22. In line 13 we uphold Merkelbach’s proposal (1978, p. 174) to integrate [στέφανον] and not λάχος as previously proposed by scholars (since Schönbrun in CIG 4266e, in 1853): the (hypothesised) noun στέφανον of the first block is linked to the verb στέ[ψαντ’] of the second block, and the nexus στέφω and στέφανον is usual in Greek. In line 17 θεῖοι βασιλεῖς could be a clue in favour of dating the inscription to the period post August 396 AD: the emperors who received apotheosis were very probably those who had granted Tatianus the consulship in the last months of 390 (cf. Lib., Ep. 0990), that is to say, Valentinianus II, who died in May 392 AD, and Theodosius I, who died in January 395 (for the evocation of the emperor’s favour towards his praetorian prefect, see the imperial documents in PPRET 28, 31, 93). In lines 11ff., in particular 19-20, the ordinary consulship is exalted as the highest office, since it bestows eternity through eponymy: in the late empire, the ordinary consulship represented the pinnacle of a career within the service of the res publica (cf. CLRE, pp. 1-12, in part. pp. 7-8; Cecconi 2007; Sguaitamatti 2012; Petrini 2015). During the 4^th Century, the ordinary consulship was awarded to serving praetorian prefects 32 times (that is to say from 285 to 395 AD; to this list we can also add two prefect-consuls appointed by usurpers). In the inscriptions of praetorian prefects in this period, the consulate is often extolled (PPRET 10, 20, 24, 25, 32, 45, 54, 59, 60, 70, 92, 96, maybe 62; as ex-consule PPRET 58, 61, 73; the consulate can also be held by the prefect’s relatives PPRET 63, 64, 65, 66), sometimes quite simply as in the case of designated consuls, who were never eponymous (PPRET 20, 48, 77, 79, 80). In lines 21-24, the author of the Sidyma inscription seems to exalt the union of the glory of the consulship (κῦδος) with the praetorian prefecture’s power, with the phrase “great honour” (τιμήν μεγάλην, cf. in line 10, the formula ἔπαρχος μέγας and the expression μεγάλην ἐξουσίαν of PPRET 44). In line 25, an explanation accompanies this double honour: Tatianus endured the great labours (πόνους) of long prefectorial service and also obtained the consulship, bestowing visibility upon him for centuries to come (for the heavy burdens of the appointment, cf. Latin labor in PPRET 27, 28, 31, likewise in PPRET 93, ll. 21-24 and 31-32).

Metrics

If the metric of the verse was meant to be dactylic, it is incorrect. Since the 1853 edition by Franz (CIG 03, p. 146: «versus pessimi haud dubie») scholars have recomposed the lines of the inscription according to the dactylic rhythm, but the metric is always incorrect (so Kalinka in TAM 02, 186-187: «metrum ut enuclearem non mihi contigit»; Grégoire 1922, p. 100: «L’auteur [...] a cru faire des hexametres»). Merkelbach (1978) assumed that the verses are sotadei (no longer convinced in Merkelbach, Stauber 2002, p. 35). According to Livrea (1997, p. 44, nt. 7), the hypothesis that the the inscription was located in Tatianus’ family burial crypt does not hold true, since such a wealthy and cultured family would have never allowed a family member to be celebrated by such a bad poet. Recently Feissel (2011-2012, p. 80) suggested that the text is not metric, but rhythmic or poetic prose. We agree.

Cursus honorum

The inscription from Sidyma is the only one to retain the complete cursus honorum of Eutolmius Tatianus (on Tatianus’ career cf. Seeck 1906, pp. 285-288; Ensslin 1932, coll. 2463-2467; PLRE I, pp. 876-878; Delmaire 1989a, pp. 62-67; Petit 1994, pp. 240-243; Olszaniec 2013, pp. 394-407). In lines 11-14, the text of the inscription states that his career began thirty-three years before the ordinary consulate of 391 AD, that is to say in 358 AD. Tatianus had a solid legal and rhetorical education (classical and pagan) and came from the curial elite of Lycia (on Tatianus’ family, cf. Scharf 1991; Mratschek 2012; Olszaniec 2013, pp. 402-406; concerning the eastern civic elite, cf. Cabouret 2020, in part. pp. 67-93, 285-305, and for the 5^th Century, cf. Laniado 2002). His career began at the bottom and between 364 and 380 AD, due to meritorious service and the esteem of the Emperor Valens, he benefitted from an exceptional number of promotions (Lenski 2002, pp. 62-63; Errington 2002, p. 74; Mratscheck 2012, pp. 261-266): Tatianus was an ambitious man, an expert administrator and a skilled writer. Tatianus’ career in the East might best be summarised by citing and commenting on the Sidyma inscription itself.

Line 1. Tatianus was initially a lawyer in the administrative courts, an activity that did not place him at a level of high nobility. Since lawyers were not enrolled in the public administration (militia), it is possible that he was defending cases in the administrative courts before 358 AD, i.e. before the thirty-three years indicated in the inscription.

Lines 2-4. Tatianus was then an assistant and legal adviser to two provincial governors, a diocesan vicar and two prefects. Since the first assignment as governor (in Thebais) must have started in 364 AD (below), the five posts as aviser and adjutant to dignitaries must date to between 358 and 363 AD. The late Roman officers are listed in increasing order of importance according to the ordo dignitatum: praeses, vicarius, proconsul. Next come the two prefects, perhaps the prefect of Constantinople and the praetorian prefect of the East. It is possible that the first one is Domitius Modestus, skilled in law and prefect of Constantinople in 362-363 AD (PLRE I, pp. 605-608; PPRET 67, 68), since Infantius, Modestus’ son, was an understudy of Tatianus (Lib., Ep. 0987; Petit 1994, p. 242). It is possible that the second one could be Hermogenes (PLRE I, p. 423), Helpidius (PLRE I, p. 414) or Secundus Salutius (PLRE I, pp. 814-817; PPRET 50, 51, 52, 53), praetorian prefects of the East between 358 and 365 AD.

Line 5. Tatianus was praeses Thebaidis in 364/366 AD. The last attestation of the governor preceding him, Cerealis Telephius Hierocles (PLRE I, p. 432; Agostini 2019, pp. 366-367), dates to April 20^th 363 AD (P. Lond. 05, 1651), while the first attestation of the governor following him, Flavius Heraclius (PLRE I, p. 419; Agostini 2019, pp. 367-369), is dated to February 18^th 368 AD (P. Oslo 03, 128). Tatianus ἡγεμὼν Θηβαΐδος had a number of Greek inscriptions engraved on the Tomb of Ramses VI, in the King’s Valley, near Thebes (none of this evidence is datable; Baillet 1923, nr. 1380; 1118; 1512, cf. also nr. 1693, 1826, 1520, 1844, 1680; Bernand 1969, pp. 547-548, nr. 150. This short poem in iambic trimeter composed by Tatianus himself confirms his qualities as a poet and is joined by the evidence concerning his highly regarded Homeric-style poem on the fall of Ilion, cf. Lib., Ep. 0909 with Pellizzari 2017, pp. 110-111).

Line 6. Tatianus was then praefectus Aegypti in 367-370 AD (cf. CTh 12, 18, 01, on May 10^th 367 AD; P. Oxy. 63, 4376 on March 25^th 368 AD; P. Oxy. 63, 4377, on March 27^th-April 25^th 369 AD; P. Oxy. 17, 2110, on October 6^th 370 AD; P. Oxy. 08, 1101, 367/370 AD). Contemporary sources with or shortly after his term of office always refer to him as praefectus Aegypti (ἔπαρχος τῆς Αἰγύπτου, see CTh, papyri and also Hist. Acephal. 12, p. 166 Martin-Albert; Athan., Ep. Fest. 39-45, pp. 271-277 Martin-Albert; Phot., Cod. 258, p. 484 Bekker; on these documents and Tatianus’ titulature cf. Olszaniec 2013, pp. 395-397; Agostini 2019, pp. 270-277, with Appendices). The inscription of Sidyma indicates him as being “responsible for the whole of Egypt” (ἀρχήν ... λάχεν ... Αἰγύπτου πάσης), and the inscription of Canopos (PPRET 90, ll. 2-3) despite a lacuna, probably indicates him as [ἀπὸ ἐπάρχων τῆς] Αἰγυπτιακῆς διοι[κήσεως]. The two inscriptions of Sidyma and Canopos were written when Egypt (the whole Aegyptus) was a diocese that was detached and distinct from the Eastern Diocese (Oriens) and had its own diocesan governor, the praefectus Augustalis (since 380/382 AD). On the basis of the report of the anonymous Barbarus Scaligeri (the 8^th Century Excerpta Latina Barbari – a Latin translation of a Greek 5^th Century world chronicle – for the year 368 [MGH AA 09, Chron. Min. 01, p. 295] states: eo anno introvit Tatianus in Alexandria primus Augustalius VI kal. Februarias), some scholars have assumed that Tatianus may have already been praefectus Augustalis of the diocese (hence the PLRE I, p. 876; list of scholars in Olszaniec 2013, p. 395 nt 2049). But the sources show that the creation of the autonomous diocese of Egypt and of the first praefectus Augustalis date back to the years 380/382 AD (on the problem, see Vandersleyen 1962, pp. 19, nr. 41, 146-147; Lallemand 1964, pp. 55-56, 63, 247-248, 251; De Salvo 1979; Delmaire 1989a, pp. 64-64; Carrié 1998, pp. 108-109; Palme 1998, pp. 128-133; Errington 2002; Mratscheck 2012, pp. 262-264; Olszaniec 2013, pp. 396-397; see also PPRET 90). The reform of Egypt by Theodosius I which may have commenced in 380 AD, was intended to increase administrative efficiency at the time of the serious crisis following the defeat at Hadrianopolis (378 AD). It seems likely that the sources written after this reform (cf. already Pallad., Hist. Laus. 46, 03) gave Tatianus an anachronistic title, because he had affectively ruled as prefect of Egypt (not Augustalis) an enlarged province of Egypt, with an enhanced mandate during the Gothic campaign of Valens in the years 367-370 AD (on these anachronisms, see Mratscheck 2012, pp. 263-264; on Valens’ First Gothic War cf. Lenski 2002, pp. 127-152). The papyri found at Oxyrhynchus (above), concerning Tatianus prefect of Egypt, reveal that the Heptanomia was in that period (367-370 AD) part of the province of Aegyptus. The studies of B. Palme (1998) show how, from 374 to 381 AD, the province of Aegyptus was expanded at the expense of the province of Augustamnica, containing the Heptanomia. The papyri concerning Tatianus (above) bring forward Palme’s “2nd Phase” territorial enlargement of the province of Aegyptus to 367 AD (similar conclusions by Errington 2002, pp. 72-73; Mratscheck 2012, p. 263). So it seems very likely that between 367 and 370 AD, Tatianus was prefect of a province of Egypt that extended as far as the borders of Lybia, Thebais and Augustamnica; the latter was confined to the region East of the Nile Delta. Seventy years or so after Diocletian’s division of Egypt into more provinces, the reintegration of the territories on both sides of the Nile into the single province of Egypt was meant to appear as a restoration of “all of Egypt” (Αἰγύπτου πάσης).

Lines 7-8. After the termination of his prefecture in Egypt and at some point before his appointment to the imperial treasury, Tatianus was made consularis Syriae and comes Orientis. The promotion must have taken place in the years 370-373 AD, although we have no evidence to prove it. Feissel (2011-2012, p. 80) has amended the appointment to cover the larger Oriens diocese with comes Orientis: ὅ[λης] ἄρχος ἐῴας (compatible with the curved letter visible on the stone: previous proposals, ὅ[πλ]αρχος ἐῴας and [ἔπ]αρχος ἐῴας are less satisfactory).

The promotion of Tatianus from praeses Thebaidis, to praefectus Aegypti (province), to consularis Syriae, then to vicarius of the Oriens diocese as comes Orientis, is perfectly in keeping with a rapid career, adhering to the precepts of the ordo dignitatum. Scholars who think that Tatianus was already responsible for the new dioecese of Egypt in 367-370 AD, suggest a double appointment of consularis Syriae with comes Orientis in 370-374 AD (PLRE and Delmaire 1989a), but we believe that the positions were consecutive (Seeck 1906; Ensslin 1932; Errington 2002; Olszaniec 2013). Ecclesiastical writers place Tatianus’ anti-Nicene activity in Egypt after the death of Bishop Athanasius on May 2^nd 373 AD (Hist. Acephal. 12, p. 166 Martin-Albert; Athan., Ep. Fest. 39-45, pp. 271-277 Martin-Albert; Phot., Bibl. 08, 39 [Cod. 258, p. 484 Bekker]; Rufin., HE 11, 02; Joh. Nic., 82, 20; Suidae, O 764 Adler). Some scholars think that the dates are wrong (Seeck 1906, 286; PLRE, I, 876-877), others that Tatianus was already serving in Egypt as comes sacrarum largitionum (Ensslin 1932, col. 2465; Delmaire 1989a, 65). We agree with Olszaniec (2013, pp. 397-398) that Tatianus acted as comes Orientis, whose circonscription still included Egypt in 373 AD (for further discussion, see Woods 1995; Mratscheck 2012, pp. 261-266). Tatianus was consularis Syriae and comes Orientis when the emperor Valens was in Antioch with his court, fighting against the Persians. The senator was involved in a major religious clash between Nicene and Arians that divided the entire East (on Valens and the eastern frontier, cf. Lenski 2002, pp. 153-210, on religious schisms ibid. pp. 234-263). The friendship between Tatianus and the rhetor Libanius began during his stay in Antioch (judgements on the dignitary’s behaviour can be found in Lib., Or. 46, 08; Lib., Or. 10, 37; cf. Petit 1994 pp. 240-243).

Line 9. In the years 374-380 AD, the emperors Valens, followed by Theodosius I, gave Tatianus a long mandate as Comes Sacrarum Largitionum in Antioch and then in Constantinople. The appointment is attested by six laws, the first one dated to February 16^th 374 AD (CTh 10, 20, 08), the last one to June 17^th 380 AD (CI 08, 36, 03; sources discussed by PLRE I, p. 877; Delmaire 1989a, pp. 66-67; Olszaniec 2013, pp. 398-399). Even in the delicate period, following the defeat of Hadrianopolis (August 9^th 378 AD), Tatianus still managed to retain his prominent position as comes sacrarum largitionum in the eastern court. He remained in the service of the new emperor Theodosius I during the first two years of the war against the Goths.

Line 10. After an intense and important career, lasting twenty-two years, eight years of otium followed (380-388 AD). When the powerful praetorian prefect of the East Maternus Cynegius died, on March 388 AD (PPRET 75), Theodosius I chose Tatianus as his successor (Zos. 04, 45, 01). Tatianus was in office from the Spring of 388 (CTh 16, 04, 02, on June 16^th 388 AD) to mid 392 AD (CTh 12, 01, 127, on June 30^th 392 AD). Soon thereafter, in April 388 AD, Theodosius went to war against the usurper Maximus, defeated him on August 28^th in Aquileia and stayed in Italy until July 391 AD, when he returned to Constantinople. For over three years (338-391 AD), Tatianus had remained the highest civil authority in the East. His activities as praetorian prefect were both important and far reaching. Not only is he generally accredited as the recipient of thirty-seven constitutions of the law Codes, he was also the recipient of thirteen letters from Libanius; he is, in fact, cited in another thirteen letters (all these documents are listed in Ensslin 1932, coll. 2465-2466; PLRE I, p. 877; Delmaire 1989a, pp. 66-67 nt. 62; Olszaniec 2013, p. 399 nt. 2072; for the letters, see Petit 1994, pp. 240-241; Pellizzari 2017). In 393 AD, his decision to cancel certain fiscal measures, demonstrates his autonomy in directing the administration of the great Eastern prefecture (CTh 09, 42, 12; CTh 09, 42, 13; CTh 11, 01, 23; CTh 12, 01, 131). During his praetorian prefecture, Tatianus dedicated more honorary statues to the emperors (Valentinianus II, Theodosius I, Arcadius Augusti and Honorius nobilissimus) in some provincial capitals (Aphrodisias PPRET 82, 83, 84; Side PPRET 85; Antinoupolis PPRET 86). His supervision of works along the Nile is testified by an inscription at Canopus (PPRET 90). The diffusion of standard capacity measures for the calculation of tax payments in the provincial horrea is attested by the inscription of Myra (Andriakè PPRET 88). The testimonies are scattered and piecemeal, nevertheless they reveal something of the intensity and variety of the work he undertook. For the administrative activity of his son, Proculus, in this period, see PPRET 89. During his absence from Constantinople, it is likely that Theodosius I wanted to entrust the eastern provinces to a couple of experienced dignitaries, who were part of the Lycian civic aristocracy. Tatianus’ policies as prefect appear to centre around protecting the less wealthy curials and defending traditional city life. His initiatives include a better distribution of liturgical and fiscal burdens, fighting against the flight from the curias and reducing the privileges of the clergy. Libanius’ appreciation of him (and later Eunapius/Zosimus) is explained by his support for civic life, no doubt inspired by the Emperor Julian (on urban life in the East, cf. Cabouret 2020, pp. 67-170; concerning the allocation of taxation in the cities, cf. Bransbourg 2008; on Libanius and the civic life, cf. Francesio 2004; Pellizzari 2011).

Lines 13-23. In 391 AD Tatianus’ career was crowned by the ordinary consulate (next to Q. Aur. Symmachus, CLRE, pp. 316-317). The consulate was the most prestigious office of the late Roman cursus honorum and is celebrated at length in this inscription (regarding the prestige of the late roman consulate, see above).

When Theodosius I returned to Constantinople (July 391 AD), he appears to have deemed the policies of Tatianus and Proculus as too self-centred and contrary to the process of administrative centralisation that aimed at limiting the autonomy of the curiae. The magister officiorum Rufinus (PLRE I, pp. 778-781) used his extensive administrative powers to discredit the two prefects in the eyes of the emperor. As a result, the latter deprived both father and son of their offices and had them tried, it seems, for corruption or crimen maiestatis. Between June 30^th 392 AD (CTh 12, 01, 127 the last correctly dated constitution to the praetorian prefect Tatianus) and August 26^th 392 AD (CTh 08, 06, 02 the first constitution to his successor as praetorian prefect of the East, Rufinus), Tatianus was suddenly deposed. The trial led to his condemnation and exile in his homeland in Lycia (likely during the winter 392/393; see PPRET 91). While the father had his property confiscated, the son Proculus paid a heavier price and was executed in December 393 AD (see PPRET 89; on these events, cf. Rebenich 1989, pp. 159-163; Olszaniec 2013, pp. 400-402; Mecella 2015, p. 55). Many of the laws passed by Tatianus and Proculus, during their terms of office were annulled by the Emperor Theodosius I (CTh 09, 42, 12; CTh 09, 42, 13; CTh 11, 01, 23; CTh 12, 01, 131; CTh 14, 17, 12). Their names were erased on inscriptions (for Tatianus see PPRET 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88; for Proculus, see PPRET 89), but not on our inscription from Sidyma. Having executed the praetorian prefect Rufinus, the emperor decreed in 396 AD that no infamy should befall the clients of Tatianus, many of whom had been drawn from the province of Lycia (CTh 09, 38, 09, on August 31^st 396 AD, cited above, with Mecella 2015, in part. p. 58 nt. 26). Barely fifty years later, it appears that Tatianus was rehabilitated, given that his omonymous grandson was able to erect an honorary inscription in Aphrodisias (Caria) in his memory (PPRET 91). The name of Tatianus’ son Proculus was also restored on the base of the obelisk of Theodosius I in Constantinople (PPRET 89). Several elements lead us to suggest that the Sidyma inscription is, in effect, an epitaph: the exaltation of the ordinary consulship, the lack of a dedicator, the presence of a cursus honorum, the fact that the name had not been erased etc.. As an epitaph the inscription would have been placed at the entrance to the senator’s tomb or cenotaph, most likely after 396 AD.

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Praetorian prefects and epigraphic habit